An unexpected triumph Javier Miley in the primary elections in Argentina, the debate about libertarianism, calls libertarians and its proximity to conservatism extreme.

This politician from Buenos Aires calls himself anarcho-capitalist and bases its economic and social proposals on minimizing staffingliquidation of the Central Bank, dollarization and complete deregulation of the economy; and also in left, political castes,progress” or “woke up” and in reverse historical gains in women’s rights, For example, abortion.

Thus Miley is associated with the profile ultra right, although some libertarians, including him, not defined by the term “law”; even if they have a common conservative policy.

Although libertarianism has its theoretical roots in the Austrian School of EconomicsThis politico-economic ideology, dating back to the 19th century, has now undergone a marked shift from its roots in the free market to relations getting closer and closer to conservative extremism.

In the same sense, Pablo Stefanoni in ¿The uprising turned to the right? find out how libertarians leaned towards ultraconservatismsharing values ​​with him.

Although historically libertarians have positioned themselves as culturally progressive and supporters of individual autonomy, Stephanoni highlights the current rapprochement between libertarians and reactionaries. Because both groups they reject the “demagogy of politicians” and social justicepoints of contact appeared that previously seemed unlikely, the author explains.

“Libertarianism is a gradient from classical liberals to anarcho-capitalists (ancaps) or market anarchists. it’s a stream based primarily in the United States, where it connects with certain values ​​of the “liberal spirit,” Stefanoni writes.

“Libertarians and reactionaries alike detest the ‘egalitarian lie’ – as a fact and as a value – they despise any “politically correct” thought, they share their discomfort with democracy and envision post-democratic forms that can escape the “demagogy of the politicians” and the “statist superstitions of the masses”. […] And, no less important, everyone equally hates “fighters for social justice”, a general term used in the United States to disqualify not only the struggle for social justice in the strict sense, but also the defense of feminism, civil rights and multiculturalism,” she adds.

Throughout his book, Stefanoni explains how libertarians can political networks with conservative and populist groups“like the one who brought Trump to power in 2016, who speak on behalf of the people against the elites.”

He libertarian discourse against elites this is doubtful for philosophers like Roxane Kreimer. In her book The Failure of Law, the Argentine intellectual critique of the imaginary and proposals of libertarianism.

The author argues that freedom, under the flag of which libertarians fly, is rather “Freedom of Entrepreneurs” then completely deregulate the market will not strictly mean a benefit to the entire populationas capitalist utopias promise.

“The experience of several centuries has shown that, not being in equilibrium, the market creates monopolies and oligopolies. Small companies are devoured by large ones and impose their rules on a global level, even bypassing national authority, ”Kreimer writes.

“These processes of increasing concentration of wealth in the hands of a few also have their correlates with rising unemployment, poverty, and inequality. The market has gone to the mercy of fate it breeds inefficiencies, periodic crises, and damages human relationships. It tells us nothing about the type of work or the human conditions that were needed to create them,” he adds in his analysis.

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In connection with the foregoing, Crymer explains, for different states it was necessary apply antitrust laws, who never slowed down concentration of wealth and companies in several conglomerates, such as The Walt Disney Company.

“Practically half of the 100 largest economies in the world they are not composed of countries, but of large private corporations in search of profit. When wealth accumulates in a few hands, the gap between rich and poor is wideningsays the philosopher.

Through a historical report and poverty data, the author explains how, from 1980 to 2000, the so-called free market policy in various developing countries.

These measures included “privatization of state assets, deregulateabolish tariffs and protect your industry, sell national assets (to rich world corporations at bargain prices), eliminate subsidies, devalue (reducing the cost of exports for rich countries), freeing up access to resources for foreign corporations, cut wages social services and use the national income to pay off the debt.

According to the data estimated by the intellectual, in these countries for the indicated years, the number of people living on less than $7.40 a day increased by 1,300 million, and the share increased from 62% to 68%.

“The imposition of a policy of greater market liberalization during that period poverty has not decreased, but increasedhe concludes.

Investigative journalist Jane Meyer, in her book Dark Money, explains how libertarian businessmen like brothers David and Charles Koch, used research centers, think tanks, promote their positions of economic liberalism in the US and world politics.

In the 1970s and 1980s, the Kochs fought a remarkably protracted war of ideas. They subsidized seemingly unrelated research centers and academic programs and created pressure groups to make their beliefs part of the national political debate. They hired lobbyists to advance their interests in Congress and operatives to create small grassroots groups and give their movement political strength in practice,” says Meyer.

Usage “Think tanks” for promoting libertarian ideas operates to this day. Some centers have representative offices not only in the USA, but also in Latin America.

Such is the case with “Students for Freedomwhich is described as “ student organization libertarian largest in the world” and has a presence in Mexico at private universities, For example, Tecnológico de Monterrey.