It is often said that Peronism is inexplicable, that it is a “feeling” rather than an ideology. HE sanschism He’s on his way to becoming one, too. After five days of unknowns, mobilizations, criticisms and turbulent rivers of ink flowing with all kinds of theories, Pedro Sánchez today solved the mystery: it remains. The exercise of self-reflection, of course, leaves some implications that go beyond whether or not it continues at La Moncloa. Out of the impasses of thought emerges a project that is perhaps the most Peronist PSOE in history, with a great deal of emotional policy weight, based on the figure of Sánchez, and without an alternative leadership.

between “Is it all worth it?” To be the champion of the fight against the “global reactionary movement”, in Sánchez’s words.

unknown until the end. It lasted nine and a half minutes. appearance But it wasn’t until 6:16 that he clarified the big unknown: “I decided to continue.” This statement closes the five-day unknown period that he opened when he closed X on Wednesday. a letter He left his continuity at Moncloa up in the air. Later, after denouncing being the target of an “unprecedented attack” by the “right and far right”, Sánchez wondered whether it was worth continuing to remain in office. Today he answered himself: yes.

Entremedias has lived in such uncertainty for five days that even his closest collaborators admitted this morning that they did not know whether the balance would tip towards his continuation or his departure from La Moncloa. “I get the feeling we’re reading tarot cards,” one of them confessed. Country.

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Focus, personally… They pointed out something from those around them: Sánchez had two weights in his balance: his political strategy and his decision on a purely personal level. The phrase that has been repeated ad nauseam over the last few days: personal life, personal decision… Sánchez himself mentioned this idea in his letter and admitted that he was considering stepping aside after the trial. He filed a lawsuit against his wife because he condemned a “far-right organisation” and saw how they were “smearing mud” on his wife.

…And emotion rather than ideology. This morning, Sánchez made a similar speech, insisting on “the abuse his family has suffered for years.” “I took this step for personal reasons, but they are reasons that everyone can relate to.” alleged. So once again the focus shifts away from ideology or issues that directly concern the government, towards the more emotional policies (his family, his wife, the personal attack) through which he manages to mobilize socialist bases. It’s an unorthodox move, especially by the leader of an institutional party with government responsibilities.

The axis is moving from ideological debates to emotional policies. And in this case, the issue clearly focuses not on the acronym but on Sánchez himself. Even in political debates. He partially hinted at this himself today, admitting that his letter “does not fit into any political calculations” but rather that he had “personal reasons” and that if he decided to stay in office it was because of “demonstrations of solidarity and empathy”. “.

At Peronist PSOE. Once the unknown of the future is made clear, one clear conclusion remains: whether intentional or not, this focus on Sánchez and emotional politics has led to perhaps the most Peronist PSOE in history. It is a concept that is difficult to define after 80 years in which the movement has mutated, but which has undeniably left its mark on Argentine politics. This is the reading from the street where the mobilizations in support of Pedro Sánchez took place. On Saturday, nearly 10,000 people gathered outside the PSOE headquarters in Ferraz to support the socialist leader and chant slogans such as “Stay with Pedro”.

The call coincided with a meeting of the PSOE Federal Committee, but the conversation focused specifically on the figure of Sánchez. For the rally, the PSOE autonomous federations mobilized buses and a screen was even installed at the door of the socialist headquarters so that those gathered could follow the committee’s interventions live. The show of support also included leading members of the party, such as former president Zapatero, or ministers such as Ribera, Puente or Montero: “Pedro, president, stay.”

Fiber and asphalt . “Pedro Sánchez played the card of emotionality and mobilization in this episode,” explains Peronism expert Joaquín Baeza. Although he appreciates the components of the movement that emerged under the influence of Juan Domingo Perón in Argentina in the 1940s, Joaquín Baeza, an expert on Peronism, thinks: It is too early to draw definitive conclusions or to evaluate the change in Sánchez’s strategy.

“Still, it will remain to be seen whether this is a specific strategy and what continuity it has. These are elements inspired by Peronism and populism in general, but they are still far from being the basis of his political style. Or at least, the intensity that we saw, for example, in the years of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner “It is still not enough in terms of both quantity and depth,” he thinks.

shows of strength. What is not alien to Argentine politics or to Peronism are movements similar to those led by Sánchez in recent days. “Continuing with the Argentina thing, this was a card that Perón used many times, both in the 40s and 70s,” says Baeza, adding: “It was quite common recently in Cristina’s fight against the countryside,” the media and law fee (Something that also rhymes with Sánchez).

“On the other hand, Peronist presidents such as Menem or Alberto Fernández did not use mobilization that much. In a different context, the non-Peronist Alfonsín appealed to the Plaza de Mayo more than once in the face of a threat. It was decided to announce democracy or economic measures,” he recalls expert.

“Continue with more power if possible.” The threat of a step back similar to the one taken by António Costa in Portugal six months ago has thus become an exercise in self-reaffirmation. With his actions in the last five days, Sánchez has managed to show his support on the street, which is not enough for his critics, and at the institutional level, with the support of leaders of the Latin American left. And this at what could be a sensitive moment for him, following the Madrid court’s decision to file charges against his wife. All without a motion of confidence.

“I decided to continue my journey by becoming stronger, if possible. This is not a point, but a pursuit. It is a point and separate. I undertake the determination to work.” […] For the renewal of our democracy, the development and consolidation of rights and freedoms.

From muscles and weaknesses. Sánchez’s move had another obvious consequence. Whether intentional or not, it exposed one of the PSOE’s greatest shortcomings: the lack of a clear plan B and change for Sánchez’s personal leadership after almost a decade as the socialists’ general secretary and years of markedly tactical politics. One of the biggest unknowns these days was who could replace Sánchez if he backed out and the PSOE wanted to start a new mandate with another candidate.

María Jesús Montero was included in the pools as a logical choice due to her position as first vice president and her organic weight within the PSOE; However, there were even those who pointed out the hypothetical return of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. Names aside, one idea has become clear: If Sánchez’s decision had been different, PSOE would have faced a more complex transition than the horizon now opened to it.

Strategy over ideology. This lack of alternatives is directly linked to the orientation of the PSOE in recent years and its commitment to tactics rather than ideology or political project. The party, which found itself in search of a “plan B” with which it would compete in new elections or be appointed to office, stated that Sánchez was indispensable. And not only that. His figure is the pillar of the educational project. This is no longer a simple name or leadership issue, it is a backbone project issue.

strong leadership. Baeza adds that hegemonic leaderships are not alien to Peronism and reminds that the movement “needs a strong leadership.” “In its name and throughout its history, it has had very recognizable leaders beyond its ideology: Perón, Menem, the Kirchners. The presidency of Alberto Fernández had a very weak theoretical head and many almost rival groups behind it,” comments the expert.

“PSOE is a much more institutionalized party and Spain has a different political system, but it is necessary to clarify that Spanish or European parties do not feel comfortable with a recognizable and charismatic leader. The same situation happened in the case of PSOE. Felipe González and now Pedro “It looks like it will happen with Sánchez.”

Image | Pool Moncloa/Borja Puig de la Bellacasa

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